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REPLY OF 

MAJ. GEN, SHERMAN 

TO THE MAYOR OF ATLANTA, 



AND SPEECHES OF 



MAJ. GEN. HOOKER, 

Delivered m the Cities of Brooklyn and New York, Sept. 22, 1864. 



LETTEK- OE 



LIEUT. GEN. GRANT. 



ANSWER OF GENERAL SHERMAN. 

Heaik2r'8 Mil. Div. of the Mississippi, 

In the Field, Atlanta, Sept. 12, 1864. 

James M. Calhoun, Mayor., E. E. Rawson and S. C Wells, 
representing City Council of Atlanta : 

Gentlemen : I have your letter of the 11th, in th« nature 
of a petition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabi- 
tants from Atlanta. I have read it cai-efully, and give full 
credit to your statetments of the distress that will be occa- 
sioned by it, and yet shall not revoke my order, simply be- 
cause my orders are not designed to meet the humanities of 
the case, but to prepare for the future struggles in which mil- 
lions, yea hundreds of millions of good people outside of At- 
lanta have a deep interest. We must have peace, not only 
in Atlanta, but in all America. To secure this we must stop 
the war that now desolates our once happy and favored coun- 
try. To stop war we must defeat the rebel armies that are 
arrayed against the laws and Constitution which all muet re- 
spect and obey. To defeat these armies we must prepare the 
way to reach them in their reccsscB, provided with the armB 
and instruments wbich enable us to accomplish our purpose. 



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Now, I know the vindictive nature of our enemy, and that 
we may have many years of military operations from this 
quarter, and, therefore, deem it wise and prudent to prepare 
in time. Tlie use of Atlanta for warlilce purposes is inconsis- 
tent with its character as a home for families. There will be 
no manufactures, commerce, or agriculture here for the main- 
tenance of families, and, sooner or later, want will compel the 
inhabitants to go. Why not go now, when all the arrange- 
ments are completed for the transfer, instead of waiting till 
the plunging shot of contending armies will renew the scenes 
of the past month? Of course I do not apprehend any such 
thing at this moment, but you do not suppose this army will 
be here till the war is over. I cannot discuss this subject 
with you fairly, because I cannot impart to you what I pro- 
pose to do ; but I assert that my military plans make it neces- 
sary for the inhabitants to go away, and I can only renew my 
offer of services to make their exodus in any direction as 
easy and comfortable as possible. You cannot qualify war in 
harsher terms than I will. 

War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it ; and those who 
brought war on our country deserve all the curses and male- 
dictions a people can pour out. I know I had no hand in 
making this war, and I know that I will make more sacrifices 
than any of you to-day to secure peace. But you cannot have 
peace and a division of our country. If the United States 
submits to a division now, it will not stop, but will go on till 
we reap the fate of Mexico, which is eternal war. The Uni- 
ted States does and must assert its authority wherever it has 
power ; if it relaxes one bit to pressure it is gone, and I know 
that such is not the national feeling. This feeling assumes 
various shapes, but always comes back to that of Unio7i. Once 
admit the Union, once acknowledge the authority of the Na- 
tional Government, and instead of devoting your houses and 
streets and roads to the dread uses of war, I and this army 
become at once your protectors and supporters, shielding you 
from danger, let it come from what quarter it may. I know 
that a few individuals cannot resist a torrent of error and 
passion such as swept the South into rebellion ; but you can 
point out, so that we may know those who desire a govern- 
ment, and those who insist on war and its desolation. 

You might as well appeal against the thunder-storm as 
against the terrible hardships of war. They are inevitable, 
and the only way the people of Atlanta can hope once more 
to live in peace and quiet at home is to stop this war, which 
can alone be done by admitting that it began in error and is 
perpetuated in pride. We don't want your negroes, or your 
horses, or your houses, or your land, or anything you have ; 
but we do want and will have a just obedience to the laws of 



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N^ the United States. That we will have, and if it involves the 

i^ . destruction of your improvements, we cannot help it. You 

"[ have heretofore read pnhlic sentiment in your newspapers, 

vS that live by falsehood and excitement, and the quicker you 

seek for truth in other quarters the better for you. 

I repeat, then, that, by the original compact of government, 
the United States had certain rights in Georgia which have 
never been relinquished, and never will be ; that the South 
began the war by seizing forts, arsenals, mints, cnstom-liouses, 
&C., long before Mr. Lincoln was installed, and before the 
South had one jot or tittle of provocation. I, myself, have 
seen in Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississipj)!, hun- 
dreds and thousands of women and children fleeing from your 
armies and desperadoes, hungry, and witli bleeding feet. In 
Memphis, Vicksburg, and Mississippi, we fed thousands upon 
thousands of the families of rebel soldiers left on our hands, 
and whom we could not see starve. Now that war comes 
home to you, you feel very different — you deprecate its hor- 
rors, but did not feel them when you sent car-loads of soldiers 
and ammunition, and moulded shells and shot, to carry war 
into Kentucky and Tennessee, and desolate the homes of hun^ 
dreds and thousands of good people, who only asked to live 
in peace at their old homes, and under the Government of 
their inheritance. But these comparisons are idle. I want 
peace, and believe it oidy can be reached through Union and 
war, and I will ever conduct war purely with a view to per- 
fect and early success. 

But, my dear sirs, when that peace does come, yuu may caU 
on me for anything. Then will I share with you the last 
cracker, and watch with you to shield your homes and fami- 
lies against danger from every quarter. Now, you must go, 
and take with you the old and feeble ; feed and nurse them, 
and build for tliem in more quiet places proper habitations to 
shield them against the weather until the mad jjassions of men 
cool down, and allow the Union and peace once more to set- 
tle on your old homes at Atlanta. 
Yours, in haste, 

W. T. SHERMAK, 

Major General. 



SPEECHES 



MAJ. GEN. HOOKER 



BROOKLY AND NEW YORK. 



GREAT UNION MEETING IN BEOOKLYN. 

The Brooklyn Academy ot Music was overcrowded on 
Thursday night last by a highly intelligent audience, com- 
prising a large proportion of ladies, assembled to assist the 
Union cause and do honor to Major General Hooker. Meet- 
ings were held outside the Academy. The stands were illu- 
minated. Inside the Academy, R. M. Griswold presided. 
Stirring resolutions were adopted. They contrasted the 
principles of the Opposition with those of the Union party, 
and declared that there could be no hesitation by loyal men 
in choosing between the National and Secession candidates ; 
pledging the meeting against a humiliating and a foul and 
treacherous betrayal of the national cause. 

Senator Wilson made the lirst address, urging the duty of 
the people at this hour. While he was speaking the audience 
recognized General Hooker. Nearly all the persons present 
rose to their feet, cheering and waving hats and handkerchiefs: 
and the scene was of the most thrilling interest. The General 
bowed his acknowledgments, and in response to loud calls, 
made the following address : 

"Ladies and Gentlemen: I need not tell you that I am 
totally unprepared for this. I cannot, I do not take this de- 
monstration, or any part of it, to myself. I am not worthy of 
this reception. [" Yes, yes, you are ;" applause.] I am no 
more worthy than any of you. We are all in the same boat. 
You have been working in one place ; I have been working 
in anotiier. [Applause.] Your victories are as dear to us 
in front as the victories in the front are dear to you. The 
political victories of last fall — I speak from full knowledge — 
were hailed with as much joy and enthusiasm in the army as 
though they had been achieved by the army. [Ap})lause. J 
The victory in Ohio last tall was so hailed and I hope we 



may hail many more. I hope that we may have many more, 
ajul do not doubt that next November we will have one of 
which this rebellion has furnished no parallel. I need not 
tell you that I am rejoiced to find such an assemblage here 
to-night. It shows it is ' all right ' with our cause and our 
country. j\o reverse, no misfortune can befall us when our 
people are animated by the feeling which is evinced here to- 
night. If the war has been ])rolonged, it has not been from 
our weakness, but it has been from our conscious strength. 
"We have not ])ut forward all our energies and all our resources, 
although we have employed resources that have amazed the 
world. But the North has not made one great elTortto crush 
the rebellion by a single blow. It could do it, and it can do it 
any day it moves for that purpose. [Cheers.] The people in 
the loyal States — and I am glad to say it — the people have 
been in advance of the authorities in all this rebellion. Let 
ns go on until we reach th.e end, and the end is not remote. 
I am rejoiced to nieet you, and meet you nndc-r such auspi- 
cious circumstances. Tidin2:s — glorious tidinirs — reach us from 
all of the armies. The work goes bravely on. There arc no 
Copperheads in the army. [Great applanse.] The' troops 
will tight well, and they will vote well. More devotion, more 
loyalty neveranimated the hearts and the hands of men more 
brave. [Renewed a])plause.] I thank you most kindly for 
the kindness you have received me with tonight. I am un- 
worthy of it. In my humble capacity I have never failed 
to do my duty, and do not intend to fail now. I wish you 
all good-night." 

Tliere was long-continued cheers after the General retired, 

GENERAL HOOKER IN NEW YORK. 

General Hooker on the same night visited the Union League 
Clul) of New York, and was welcomed by a large number of 
memliers. Mr. Jonathan Sturges made the reception speech, 
as follows : 

"Gkmtlkman: This is not a partisan club, as many suppose, 
but a club whose declared object is to cultivate a love for our 
I'nion, and to sustain the Governmentin restoring its author- 
ity in those States which are in rebellion. We agree with 
General McClellan in his report, page 442, where he expresses 
the oi)inion : "After a calm, impatial, patient consideration of 
the subject, that a necessary preliminary to the reestablish- 
ment of the Union is the entire defeat or virtual destruction 
of the organized military power of the Confederacy, and that 
such a result should be followed by conciliatory measures." 
Believing this, we cannot sustain any man who goes upon an 
'immediate armistice" platform, with such men as Mr. Pen- 



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dleton, of Ohio. We feel it to be more consistent to do honor 
to those p^enerals who 'propose to fight it out on this line if it 
takes all sunuiier.' Several of these are with us to-night. I 
have tlie honor of introducing to the club that gallant soldier, 
Major General Joseph Hooker." 

General Hooker, in reply, observed that the Loyal League 
M'ere not aw^re of the service they had rendered the army. 
They had formed a good reserve, and for this the army felt 
strong in front. The fighting is now nearly closed. There 
will be a few spasmodic plunges, but they are natural numi- 
festations of dying. The Government has been slow ; the 
people have been fast, and have led the Administration; but 
the latter has come along, and, on the whole, done tolerably 
M'ell. It is absurd to suppose the soldiers can vote other than 
one way. Tliey will vote as they have louglit, to put down 
the rebellion. We have not only fought the rebellion, but 
England. She has furnished the rebels with all their arms 
and clothing, and for these she holds a mortgage on the whole 
South. I don't think she will undertake to foreclose it. 

General Hooker further remarked that he had at no time 
felt an}'- doubt of the success of the war for the Union. There 
has been mistakes and mismanagement in its conduct, yet the 
Union arms had made steady progress, so that the close of 
each year had seen the erea of the rebellion narrowed and its 
relative power materially weakened. He confidently believ- 
ed that we were now near the end — nearer than most of us 
believed. But he would have no overtures made to the rebel 
chief; at the proper time they would signify their readiness 
to give it up. The time to begin negotiating was wh^n we 
had finisiied the fighting. 

It is folly to talk of it till we have Avhi]>ped out our enemies 
and swept away the cause of the rebellion. The Constitution 
must be interpreted in accordance with the principles of hu- 
manity, nor can we have a permanent peace till we do so. 
We must not make a peace in such a way that another war 
will break out again within ten years. AV^e have l)een gener- 
ous enough to our enemies — even to a fault — and they in- 
variably construed our lenity into weakness. 



LIEUT. GEN. GRANT'S LETTER. 



Headquarters of the Armies of the United States, \ 
City Point, Virginia, Atigust 16, 1864. f 

lion, E. J3. Washburne : 

Dkau Sik: 1 state to all citizens who visit me that all we 
want now to insure an early restoration of the Union is a de- 
tenniiied unity of sentiment in the Nmih. The rebels have 
now in their ranks their last man. The little bojs and old 
men are guarding prisoners, guarding railroads and bridges, 
and tbrniing a good part o( their garrisons for intrenched posi- 
tions. A man lost by them cannot be replaced. Theij have 
robheil the cradle and the grave equally to get tlieir present force. 
Besides what they lose in frequent skirmishes and battles, they 
are now losing from desertion and other causes at least one 
regiment per day. With this drain upon them the end is not 
far distant, f loe lo ill only he true to ourselves. Their only 
hope now is in a divided North. This might give them rein- 
forcements t'rnm Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri, 
while it would weaken us. With the draft quietly enforced, 
the enemy would become despondent, and would make but 
little resistance. I have no doubt but the enemy are exceed- 
ingly anxious to hold out until after the Presidential election. 
They have many hopes from its effects. Thay hope a counter 
revolution. They hope the election of the peace candidate : 
in fact, like Mickawber, they hope for "something to turn up." 
Our peace friends, if they expect 2)^aee fro?n separation, are 
much vilstal'en. It would he hut the heginning of war, with 
thousands of Northern men joining the South, because of our 
disgrace in allowing separation. To have peace on any terras, 
the South would demand the restoration of their slaves al- 
ready freed. They would demand indemnity for losses sus- 
tained, and they would demand a treaty which loould make the 
North slave hunters for the South. They would demand pay, 
or the restoration of every slave escaping to the North. 
Yours, truly, 

U. S. GRANT. 



PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864. 

UNION CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE* 



Ron. E. B. WARHBURNE, of Illinois. 
" R. B. VAN VALKENi^^RG, N. Y. 
" J. A. GARFIELD, of Ohio. 
" J. G. BLAINE, of Maine. 
{House of Represent ■ lives.) 
R D. MORGAN, Chairman. JAS. HARLiiN, Treasurer. D. N. COOLF^Y, Sec'y. 



Hod. K D. MORGAN, of New York. 
" JAS. HARLAN, of Iowa. 
" L M. MORRILL, of Maine. 
(Senate.) 



CoMMirrKE Kooms, Washington., 1). C, S(j)t. 2, 1864r. 
Dear Sir : The Union Congressional Committee, in addition to 
the documents ah'eady published, propose to issue immediately 
the following documents for distribution among the people. 

1. McClelhm's Military Career Reviewed and Exposed. 

2. George H. Pendleton, his Disloyal Record and Antecedents. 

3. The Chicago Copperhead Convention, the men who composed 

and controlled it. 

4. Base surrender of the Copperheads to the Rebels in arms. 

5. The Military and Naval Situation, and the Glorious Achieve- 

ments of our Soldiers and Sailors. 

6. A Few Plain Words with the Private Soldier. 

7. What Lincoln's Administration has done. 

8. The History of McClellan's " Arbitrary Arrest " of the Mary- 

land Legislature. 

9. Can the Country Pay the Expenses of the War ? 

10. Doctrines of the Copperheads North identical with those of 

the Rebels South. 

11. The Constitution Upheld and Maintained. 

12. Rebel Terms of Peace. 

13. Peace, to be Enduring, must be Conquered. 

14. A History of Cruelties and Atrocities ef the Rebellion. 

15. Evidences of a Copperhead Conspiracy in the Northwest. 
1«J. Seward's Auburn Speech. 

17. Schurz's Speech. 

18. Copperhead Votes in Congress. 

19. " Leave Pope to get out of his Scrape." 

20. Shall we have an Armistice? 

The above documents will be printed in English and German 
in eight or sixteen page pamphlets, and sent postage free, accord- 
ing to directions at the rate of one or two dollars per hundred 
copies. The plans and purposes of the Cep])erhead3 having been 
disclosed by the action of the Chicago Convention, they should 
at once be laid before tiie loyal people of the country. There is 
but two Tnonths between this and the election, and leagues, clubs, 
and individuals should lose no time in sending in their orders. 
Remittances should be made in Greenbacks or drafts on New 
York City, payable to the order of James Harlan. 
Address — Free. 

Hon. JAMES HARLAN, 

Washington^ D. C. 
Very respectfully yours, &c., 

D. N. COOLEY, Secretanj. 



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